3.1. Rules of the CHAKRAS game
The CHAKRAS game, designed based on an analysis of the Madre de Dios farming system, consists of a hexagonal board divided into six sections, representing six farms, each made of nine plots: three secondary forest plots and six primary forest plots (Figure 4). Each player starts with the same area of land, with the same number of economic resources (a total of 10 coins each) and with a specific and randomly allocated number of labor resources (between one and four small humanoid figurines). Economic resources can be used to clear forest, buy seeds and seedlings and/or hire additional labor resources. Players can choose to replace each plot of forested land with one of eight different land uses, namely i) maize, ii) rice, iii) banana, iv) cassava, v) cacao, vi) copoazú, vii) citrus and viii) timber trees. Annual crops (maize, rice, banana and cassava) are cheaper to plant, and can be harvested once, one round after planting. Perennial crops (cacao, copoazú and citrus) are more expensive to plant, and can be harvested each round, starting two rounds after planting. Timber trees can be added to a plot that already contains perennial crops (creating an agroforestry system) and can be harvested for wood after three rounds. Crops can only be planted on bare land (after clearing forest by fire or harvesting an annual crop) and clearing land poses a risk of fire, represented by a six-sided die with a 1/3 probability of burning a bordering plot. Planting on a plot that previously contained primary forest leads to an increase in harvest for one round, to represent increase in fertility from burned biomass. Consecutive planting of annual crops on the same plot will lead to a decrease in harvest (minus one coin per harvested plot per round), to represent fertility loss. If a cleared plot is left unplanted for an entire round, it regrows into secondary forest and fertility is returned. Players can choose to take out a loan for investment or if they are no longer able to pay the yearly maintenance fee (“cost of living”, proportional to the number of a player’s labor resources). Players are allowed to pay back the loan, along with interest rates, in various parts. It is considered that the loan has not been paid back if the loan, along with interest rates, has not been paid by the end of the 5th round (the end of the game). Detailed rules are available in Annex 1.
One game session consists of five rounds. However, players are unaware of how many rounds will be played, to avoid influencing their decisions at the end of the game. Players are told the rules at the beginning of the first round. Starting at round two, each round starts with the moderator sharing two new pieces of information, consisting of external support interventions (by an NGO, the regional government, or various private companies) and unexpected events such as drought and inflation (Table 4: New information shared with players at the beginning of each round. Each news only applies to one round and support interventions can only be used in the round it is made available.).
Table 4: New information shared with players at the beginning of each round. Each news only applies to one round and support interventions can only be used in the round it is made available.
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Round
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Information 1
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Information 2
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1
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Basic rules are shared, e.g., plots, crops, coins, labor resources, cost of life.
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2
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Players can receive one coin for each of their primary forest plots that contains Brazil-nut and/or timber.
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An NGO is offering support. If a majority of players votes in favor, each player can receive free seedlings for one plot of a perennial crop (either cacao, copoazú or citrus) mixed with timber.
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3
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A drought is causing harvests to decrease (-1 coin) for one round.
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The regional government is offering support. If a majority of players vote in favor, each player can receive free seedlings for one plot of cacao.
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4
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Rising inflation is causing both labor costs and cost of living to double (x2 coins).
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A private company is offering support. All players can receive free maize seeds for an unlimited number of plots.
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5
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Inflation remains.
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Players can vote between one of two land-use opportunities: either they can rent out one or multiple plots to papaya farmers for one coin per plot, or commit to protect (never clear) one or multiple primary forest plots for a carbon credit program for one coin per plot. Players are allowed to not vote. Note that players are not aware this is the last round when they are offered this choice.
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3.2. Overview of decisions made in the game
Players made a wide range of land-use decisions, ranging between the deforestation of only one secondary and one primary forest plot, to large scale deforestation, as in the case of a player who removed all the primary forest on his board. Interestingly, the number of primary and secondary forest plots that players chose to clear was not correlated with overall financial balance, defined as the number of coins minus any remaining debt at the end of the game. This suggests that, despite a broad range of deforestation choices, the game design did not incentivize or reward farmers for either preserving or clearing forest plots (Figure 5).
Most of the forested plots that farmers removed during the game were secondary forest (62% of all forest plots removed) and they were mostly removed during the first round. After the first round, deforestation (of both primary and secondary forest) decreased steadily (Figure 6). Notably, players preferred to clear land close to the highway, and only rarely cleared plots closer to the center of the board.
Across all game sessions, the crops that were planted most often were annual crops (60% of the crops chosen by players) with maize being the crop planted the most often overall. Among perennials, timber (planted mostly with cacao) was the most popular choice, possibly because it could be combined with other perennials (Figure 7).
Crop choice varied widely across different rounds. Annual crops (especially maize) were planted most extensively during the first round, while perennial crops (especially cacao) and timber (for agroforestry) were planted in largest amounts during the second and third round respectively. In round 4, maize was planted in much higher proportion than other crops, and in round 5, timber was chosen the most often (Figure 8).
These patterns of choice suggest a strong influence of external interventions, such as in the case of the NGO offering free agroforestry seedlings in round 2, the regional government offering cacao seedlings in round 3, and the private company offering free maize seeds in round 4. In round 5, the increase in timber plantations could be attributed to the fact that players sold the timber they had planted in round 2 and decided to repeat the experience by planting more.
Across all 20 game sessions, the external support most often chosen by players was that of the NGO. The second most popular support was that of the maize company, followed by the governmental project. When asked to choose between the carbon project, the papaya rental or none, despite similar economic benefits, farmers strongly preferred the carbon project over papaya rental (Figure 9). Note that at the time of this study, there is no carbon project in Madre de Dios providing farmers with payments for forest preservation. During the debriefing discussions, farmers in favor of the carbon initiative tended to express environmental considerations: “We would not do it for money, it would be to be able to preserve forest and continue to breathe” (a farmer in session 8) while those who opposed it feared it would take away their right to continue farming (“If this becomes a reality, there wouldn’t be farmers anymore!” – a farmer in session 9). Overall, most farmers saw the carbon project as a desirable approach that would help them protect forests.
In the case of the NGO support, players could choose to receive seedlings for either a cacao, copoazú, or citrus plot. Players mostly chose cacao (31%), followed by citrus (23%) and copoazú (17%).
3.3. Comparing real-life demographics and farm management with decisions in the game
Age had a mild but significant negative correlation with the number of annual crops planted, suggesting that younger players were more likely to choose annual over perennial crops (Table 5). This could be related to younger farmers’ need to produce quick returns on investment, as they may have limited resources to engage in longer-term investment for perennial plantations. During the debriefing, a player summarized it as following: “In real life, we plant short-term crops first, and only later we plant pure long-term crops to avoid deforesting too much” (session 20). Players’ genders, regions of origin, and opinions about support programs were not significantly correlated with decisions in the game ((Table 5).
The support level received by players in real life seemed to be the most important predictor for game strategy (Table 5). Farmers who were in favor of governmental support (round 2) and who voted for the carbon project over papaya land rental (round 5) were significantly more likely to have received higher levels of support (including NGO support and cooperative membership) in real life (Figure 10). The same was true for players who cleared fewer primary forest plots in the game (Figure 11). Support level in real life was also significantly related to the amount of money players decided to borrow: players who took out higher loans in the game were the ones who had received governmental support in real life (Figure 11). An explanation could be that AGROIDEAS, a program of the Ministry of Agriculture that many players were involved with, includes the granting of loans as a support strategy.
Farmers’ land use, and specifically their preference for growing annual or perennial crops in real life, was also significantly related to various of their decisions in the game. Players who mentioned a perennial crop as their primary crop in real life voted more often in favor of governmental support (round 3), to deforest less primary forest, and to plant fewer annual and more perennial crops in the game. Players who mentioned a higher proportion of perennial crops out of all the crops they mentioned growing in real life also voted more often in favor of governmental support in the game and were more likely to choose the carbon project over papaya. The proportion of perennial crops in real life was mildly negatively correlated with annual crop choice in the game and mildly positively correlated with perennial crop choice in the game (Table 5).
While in the game, all players managed the same farm size, real life farm sizes differed significantly between players. Farmers with larger cultivated lands in real life were more likely to be in favor of governmental support in the game. Interestingly, farmers who paid back their loan in the game also had a higher farm size on average. Finally, players who chose carbon had a much larger area of primary forest on their farms than players who chose papaya (11 ha of primary forest in real life versus 3,3 ha on average). Total land surface and secondary forest area in real life did not significantly affect players’ decisions in the game (Table 5).
Interestingly, farmers who, in real life, had formal land ownership (i.e., land title) planted more agroforestry in the game (2.1 plots on average) compared to farmers with unstable land tenure (i.e., rental or possession certificate) (1.3 plots on average).
Table 5: Correlation coefficients (grey cells) and p-values (white cells) for all the comparative analyses between players’ characteristics in real life, and their decisions in the game. The correlation coefficients and p-values that show significance are highlighted in bold font. This is also the case for correlation coefficients, whose p-values were calculated to identify significant correlation.
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Player’s characteristics
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Gender
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Age
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Region
of origin
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Support level
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Main crops
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Perennial proportion
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Project opinion
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Land area
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Cultivated area
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Secondary forest area
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Primary forest area
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Game choices
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NGO vote
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0.07
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0.34
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0.39
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0.39
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0.76
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0.90
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0.90
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0.31
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0.03 *
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0.38
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0.44
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Government vote
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0.50
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0.94
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0.09
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0.02 *
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0.03 *
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0.02 *
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0.08
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0.39
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0.73
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0.57
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0.83
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Land rental vote
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0.30
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0.24
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0.16
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0.004 **
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0.07
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0.0007 ***
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0.68
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0.84
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0.14
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0.11
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0.002 **
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Secondary forest removal
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0.25
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0.019
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0.48
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0.61
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0.38
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-0.038
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0.12
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-0.108
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-0.010
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0.083
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-0.157
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Primary forest removal
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0.51
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-0.200
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0.33
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0.006 **
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0.03 *
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-0.161
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0.87
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-0.067
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0.126
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-0.008
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-0.140
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Short term crop choice
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0.15
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-0.272 **
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0.95
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0.06
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0.03 *
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-0.232 *
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0.09
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-0.117
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-0.007
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-0.016
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-0.123
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|
Perennial crop choice
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0.50
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0.050
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0.98
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0.19
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0.009 **
|
0.243 *
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0.30
|
-0.128
|
0.086
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-0.106
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-0.138
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|
Paying back of loans
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0.32
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0.13
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0.16
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0.20
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0.44
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0.11
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0.70
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0.73
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0.0097 **
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0.533
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0.9691
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Amount of loan taken out
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0.72
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0.192
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0.11
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0.03 *
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0.67
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0.048
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0.18
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0.051
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0.039
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0.193
|
-0.132
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*p<0.05; **p<0.01; ***p<0.001
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3.4. Qualitative feedback on the game’s credibility, legitimacy and salience
During most (all except one) post-game discussions, farmers reported that the game resembled their reality. For some farmers “nothing was missing” (session 1) in the game, while others specified the ways in which the game resembled their experience of farming. Farmers perceived the game to be a good representation of reality regarding the kinds of intervening institutions and programs represented (“The projects are the same in real life as in the game” (session 5), or, “NGOs are like this in real life, we have lived this!” (session 6), and it was said that the game represented well the economic difficulties faced in real life: “Profitability in the game is as in real life” (session 5), and “These five rounds, this is how we suffer. It is all work and investment” (session 11). The game represented very real struggles to pay back loans (“Loans are the same [in real life], most of us cannot pay them back. We cannot pay back because of high costs” session 11) or to hire labor (“[The game] represents reality in that people do not want to work because we pay them little and the work is hard. But if you harvest more than 3 or 4 hectares you need extra labor” session 9). Several players commented that they had, in real life too, lost parts of their crops to fire.
Players commented that their land use decisions in the game resembled real life, for example by starting with planting annual crops and only later planting perennial crops. One player said, “The game is as in real life, each one played with the same ambitions as in real life, [some are] conformist and relaxed, others are more ambitious” (session 7). This expressed similarity between real-life choices and choices in the game confirms our findings of correlations between real-life crop choice and game crop choice (see section 4.3.2) and was further demonstrated in a per-session analysis of strategies: a community dedicated to cassava plantations in real life planted the most cassava out of all the game session (39 plots compared to 4 plots on average in other sessions). Game sessions with members of cacao cooperative board members resulted in a 1,5 times higher number of cacao plots compared to other sessions.
Players also commented on some important differences between the game and reality. The most important distinctions related to finances: loans are more difficult to receive in reality than in the game. A player explained: “To receive a loan, they ask you to be part of an association, you have to be registered” (session 5). In addition, the market is not as predictable as in the game, with many products (including bananas, citrus and rice) suffering from recurring low seasonal demand. In general, prices go down when a lot of farmers are selling products at the same time, which typically happens right after maize harvesting season. One player commented: “In reality, our greatest problem is the market. Copoazú for example produces well, but they give you a low price for it” (session 14). Several players noted that, in reality, they mix various crops on a single plot, including successional systems that alternate maize or cassava, bananas and cacao. Some players wished the game would also include livestock. Regarding external interventions, players had often had real-life experiences with NGOs, the regional government, and papaya farmers, but most had not heard about private companies offering maize seeds and knew of carbon projects only in theory. In general, players commented that they felt more supported by external institutions in the game than in real life: “If we had all the support of the game, including loans, we could have a better income” (session 18).
Overall, the CHAKRAS game was credible, based on a systemic analysis of the farming system; salient, through the representation of interventions that influence farmers in real life; and considered legitimate by the players, who perceived that the game aligned with their views.
3.5. Implications for the use of serious games to investigate land use
One of the main issues noted elsewhere for serious games is a lack of clarity about the degree to which players’ decisions in the game can be extrapolated to their decisions in real life (Garcia & Speelman, 2017; Jackson, 2012). Previous agricultural studies using serious games have concluded, based on post-game discussions, that farmers’ decisions in the game do resemble those they make in life (see Castella et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2012; Kong et al., 2021; Novotny et al., 2024; Speelman, García-Barrios, et al., 2014b). In this study, we have gone a step further by showing that farmers’ decisions in the game relate to their real-life conditions and choices, in ways not always visible while playing and not expressed orally during post-game conversations.
We argue that serious games, when designed in a way that mimics the local social-ecological system, lead stakeholders to make similar decisions than those they (think they) would make in real life. The feedback we received from players during the discussions, and the significant relations between players’ real-life and in-game decisions, may not have been possible without the meticulous design steps we took. Building a robust model of the social-ecological system of interest seems to be an important prerequisite for the successful use of a serious game to explore decision-making processes. As described by Garcia et al. (2022), a game that allows for accurate representation of decision-making should feel “real” to the players who interact with it.
We converge with previous studies (e.g., Alpuche Álvarez et al., 2024) in stating that one of the main strengths of serious games is the ability to reveal decision-making patterns that may not be observed or mentioned in traditional questionnaire-based research. We believe that serious games have the potential to enrich traditional research structures (often consisting in a lineal relationship between researcher and subject) by turning the researcher into an external observer, while the research subject interacts not with a scientist but rather with (a representation of) their own system (Speelman et al., 2017). By removing the researcher from the center of action, farmers can be freed from a sense of expectations and ideas about what they believe is expected from them. In return, researchers can gain new insight by watching what stakeholders do, rather than hearing what they have to say about it (Castella et al., 2005).