Village-scale differences in rice land availability drive agroforestry diversity patterns
Village-scale differentiation and rice autonomy
Our results showed that contrasts in clove-based system species composition and tree stand structure occurred primarily between villages, rather than along within-village toposequences. This village-scale differentiation was strongly associated with differences in access to irrigated lowlands and, consequently, with variation in potential rice self-sufficiency, which emerged as a major correlate of diversification–specialisation patterns.
The three villages represented contrasting accessible rice land and thus potential self-sufficiency levels (Table 1). Ampahibe showed an approximate rice surplus of + 15%, whereas Antsirakoraka and Andampy showed deficits of − 30% and − 90%, respectively. While these estimates are indicative rather than precise measures of household food security—they rely on regional agronomic parameters and do not capture local variation in yields, cropping intensity, market access, or off-farm income—they robustly reflect structural differences in rice availability across villages.
These differences in rice production capacity have direct economic implications. Villages facing rice deficits experience strong pressure to generate cash income to purchase staple food, constraining their capacity to maintain diversified agroforestry systems. Conversely, villages achieving rice self-sufficiency can afford greater flexibility in land-use decisions, maintaining species that provide longer-term benefits without jeopardising immediate food security (Droy et al. 2017).
These differences in rice land availability translated into clear diversification–specialisation trajectories of clove-based systems. In rice-surplus Ampahibe, clove-based systems were multispecies and structurally complex, with fruit and forest species accounting for 26% and 48% of stem density, respectively (Fig. 5), and 89% of plots classified as complex agroforests (Fig. 6). Antsirakoraka displayed intermediate configurations, with 50% of plots as complex agroforests and mixed representation of all four system types (Fig. 6). In contrast, rice-deficit Andampy exhibited strong specialisation, with clove accounting for 59% of stems (Fig. 5) and 39% of plots classified as clove-dominated systems (Fig. 6), alongside lower species richness (mean 7.0 ± 3.8 species per plot; Table 4) and minimal representation of fruit and forest tree species (17% each; Fig. 5).
Although our cross-sectional design does not allow causal inference, the convergence of independent indicators (species diversity, use-group composition, system-type distribution) consistently pointed to rice availability as a key factor shaping agroforestry diversity at the village scale. This finding aligns with agrarian research in Madagascar showing that irrigated rice underpins food security, labour allocation and social stability (Dabat et al. 2008; Droy et al. 2017).
From village patterns to household mechanisms
Although our cross-sectional design documents village-level patterns, the causal mechanism linking household rice autonomy to plot diversification was not directly tested. However, farm-level evidence from the region supports its plausibility. At the household scale, irrigated rice extent determines livelihood orientation: households achieving rice self-sufficiency mobilise agroforestry plots as complementary income sources, whereas those lacking lowlands depend on tree-crop revenues to purchase rice (Danthu et al., 2014; Andriatsitohaina et al., 2020; Mariel et al., 2021a).
The three villages represented distinct socio-ecological regimes reflecting contrasting rice production capacities (Table 1). In Ampahibe, extensive irrigated lowlands (1.09 ha per farm and 46% of the farmland area on average; Tonneau et al., 2018) provided high rice autonomy, enabling households to maintain diversified agroforests dominated by fruit and forest species. Clove contributes economically but does not substitute for staple-food production. Irrigated rice anchors food security, provides a stable base for livestock (Droy et al., 2017), and circulates as local currency—for repayment, wages, or exchange when cash is scarce (Houdaer, 2025). Farm-level income portfolios remain relatively diversified, with irrigated rice and livestock—grazed on lowlands during fallow or non-cultivated periods between rice cycles—contributing substantial shares alongside complementary tree crops (Ramalanjaona, 2025).
Antsirakoraka (0.47 ha per farm and 19% of the farmland area on average; Tonneau et al., 2018) showed intermediate rice self-sufficiency (–30% deficit) and mixed configurations. Households combined lowland rice production with diversified agroforests and cash-crop-oriented systems. Tree crops—clove, lychee, banana and vanilla—provide essential revenues and buffer lean periods, while lowland rice continues to secure a significant fraction of staple needs. During seasonal food shortages, households also rely on breadfruit and other food-producing trees (Mariel et al., 2021a, 2023). Tonneau et al. (2018) describe this reciprocity: tree crops fund rice purchases when needed, and rice sustains food security for cash-crop producers.
In Andampy (0.37 ha per farm and 13% of the farmland area on average; Tonneau et al., 2018), the near absence of irrigated rice (–90% deficit) structurally links household food security to clove revenues. Rainfed fields, complemented by maize and cassava, contribute to food security but cannot offset the absence of irrigation systems (Tonneau et al., 2018; Mariel et al., 2021b). Households rely structurally on clove production and essential oil to purchase rice and basic commodities (Danthu et al., 2014), with clove buds providing from 20 to 80% of total farm income and essential oil providing from 15 to 75% (Ramalanjaona, 2025). Agroforestry systems become central to livelihoods through ecological simplification: clove-dominated systems predominate (39% of plots; Fig. 6), clove accounts for 59% of stems (Fig. 5), and species richness is lowest (Table 4). Essential-oil distillation, which requires substantial fuelwood, may further reinforce removal of fruit and forest species (Danthu et al., 2020) and lower abundance of these species (Fig. 5).
In Ampahibe, despite 42% of landscape being covered by irrigated lowlands (Fig. 1; Table 1), household self-sufficiency remains fragile: many families sell harvests to meet immediate cash needs and later repurchase rice at higher prices—"structural self-sufficiency" (Mariel et al., 2021b). Here, wealth and social status appear to be more closely linked to rice self-sufficiency than to tree-crop holdings. We hypothesise that labour is therefore prioritised towards rice production, allowing diversified agroforests to be sustained but not actively invested in, which may explain the relatively low tree densities observed in Ampahibe (535 stems ha⁻¹; Table 4). Conversely, in Andampy, irrigated plots cover barely two months of consumption, forcing rice purchases with tree crop earnings. The clove tree has become both an economic foundation and a social marker—"wealth is measured by the number of productive clove trees" (Houdaer, 2025). Although clove harvesting yields up to fifteen times more income than irrigated rice (Fourcin et al., 2015), specialised systems are exposed to recurrent risks: periodic cyclones, occasional pest outbreaks, irregular bearing cycles, and market price fluctuations (Danthu et al., 2014). These risks do not occur annually but represent structural vulnerabilities that accumulate over time. Farmers adopt risk-spreading strategies—combining clove with fruit, timber, and food crops (Mariel et al., 2016)—but diversification scope is constrained where rice must be purchased.
Broader implications
This pattern aligns with broader evidence that staple-food security shapes diversification or specialisation trajectories in smallholder systems (Nyamayevu et al., 2024; Bosshard et al., 2025; Millet et al., 2025). Tittonell (2014) conceptualised smallholder heterogeneity as coexisting livelihood regimes shaped by resource endowments and market access. In the Iazafo landscape, access to irrigated rice acts as such a higher-level constraint, determining whether farmers maintain multifunctional agroforests (Ampahibe), combine staple and cash needs (Antsirakoraka), or specialise around cloves (Andampy).
These findings resonate with global tree cash-crop patterns. In Indonesia, oil palm expansion reinforced dependence on purchased rice (Budidarsono et al., 2013), while in Mexican shade-coffee systems, food self-sufficiency enables diversified agroforests (Perfecto et al., 2005). Where food autonomy is assured, farmers retain flexibility for multifunctional landscapes; where it is not, specialisation around high-value tree crops—oil palm, coffee, or clove—becomes essential to secure staple purchases.
Findings from Madagascar reinforce this dynamic. Andriatsitohaina et al. (2024) emphasise that agroforestry systems provide essential income and multifunctionality, yet their contribution to wellbeing remains constrained by structural vulnerabilities such as land scarcity, price volatility and livelihood fragility. Additionally, modelling work in northeastern Madagascar shows that when households depend structurally on cash-crop revenues to purchase rice, they become highly vulnerable to price fluctuations and harvest failures, creating potential "lock-in" dynamics in specialised systems (Celio et al., 2023).
Our results suggest that when rice autonomy is high, agroforestry diversity and multifunctionality can be sustained; when rice is structurally scarce, households rely on clove revenues to secure staple foods—a strategy that supports subsistence but drives ecological simplification and heightens exposure to climatic and market shocks.
Path dependency and rice-driven filtering in agroforestry diversification
The present mosaic of clove-based systems reflects the cumulative imprint of successive transformations: precolonial tavy-savoka cycles that generated widespread secondary vegetation, colonial coffee plantations established through coercive labour regimes (1897–1960), and post-coffee-crisis conversion to clove as farmers adapted to market collapse (Fremigacci, 1986; Blanc-Pamard and Ruf, 1992; Mariel et al., 2023). This historical succession—from shifting cultivation fallows to linear coffee systems to farmer-led clove expansion—produced the structural template of today's agroforestry mosaics and established clove as the regional economic pillar.
Contemporary diversification filtered by rice availability
Post-independence transformations added further layers of complexity. Studies by Arimalala et al. (2019) and Michel et al. (2021) document widespread enrichment of clove fields with fruit, medicinal and timber species as a strategy to buffer price volatility. Yet our results show that such diversification is no longer ubiquitous: its current expression is filtered primarily through village-scale rice production capacity. Farmers in Ampahibe, historically embedded in wide irrigated plains, maintain highly diversified agroforests with substantial representation of fruit and forest species (26% and 48% of stems, respectively; Fig. 5), with 89% of plots classified as complex agroforests (Fig. 6). In Antsirakoraka, systems exhibit intermediate enrichment reflecting mixed livelihood strategies, with 50% of plots as complex agroforests and the remaining plots distributed among the three other system types (Fig. 6). In contrast, Andampy—an upland region long associated with tavy and clove—exhibits the strongest specialisation, with clove accounting for 59% of stems (Fig. 5) and 39% of plots classified as clove-dominated systems (Fig. 6), supplying both clove buds and essential oil. This pattern echoes Andriatsitohaina et al. (2024), who report that when rice cannot meet household needs, farmers intensify cash-crop strategies to secure staple purchases.
This outcome reflects path dependency rooted in both land-use history and contemporary economic constraints. Osewold et al. (2022) showed in vanilla agroforests of northeastern Madagascar that past land use shapes present-day tree diversity, with forest-derived systems hosting richer species assemblages than fallow-derived ones. Similarly, in the Iazafo landscape, historical trajectories—from tavy fields to coffee plantations to clove agroforests—shape current species pools, management norms and regeneration pathways. However, our results reveal an additional filtering mechanism: ecological potential established by historical legacies is now channelled through contemporary rice availability, which determines whether households can afford to maintain diversified systems or must specialise to generate cash income.
Economic pressures override biophysical factors in species placement
Crucially, the spatial organisation of tree species within villages showed minimal response to topographic gradients. Despite documented species-environment associations—vanilla preferring moist lower slopes, coffee thriving under Albizia shade (Blanc-Pamard and Ruf, 1992; Mariel et al., 2022a)—our analyses detected no significant effect of hill position or orientation on species composition or on the distribution of major cash crops. The single marginal trend—higher clove density on west-facing slopes in Antsirakoraka (BH-adjusted p = 0.051)—did not reach statistical significance and was absent in both Ampahibe and Andampy (p = 0.83).
This pattern suggests that economic pressures increasingly override ecological niche-matching in species placement decisions. In rice-deficit Andampy (–90%), where household food security depends structurally on clove revenues, clove was planted across all topographic positions to maximise cash income, regardless of biophysical suitability. The marginal trend in Antsirakoraka (–30% deficit) may reflect intermediate conditions where households retain limited flexibility to adjust species placement to environmental gradients, though this capacity remains constrained. This interpretation aligns with Mariel's (2022) observation that tree species persist or are introduced primarily for their functional household value rather than ecological niche-matching: former coffee zones convert to clove regardless of shade conditions, savoka is enriched with diverse trees to buffer food shortages, and ecologically "suboptimal" occurrences persist because management decisions respond primarily to labour availability, food security needs, and market opportunities rather than to biophysical suitability.
Comparative perspectives on tree cash-crop path dependency
Comparable dynamics have unfolded in other tree cash-crop regions. In Zanzibar, a century of clove booms and busts created enduring dependence on a single export commodity shaped by state control, labour constraints and price volatility (Martin, 1991). In West and Central Africa, cocoa agroforests transitioned from utilising natural forest to diversified shade systems and, more recently, toward intensified monocultures under demographic and market pressures (Ruf and Siswoputranto, 1995; Ruf and Schroth, 2004; Jagoret et al., 2011; Michel et al., 2024). These cases reveal tree-crop landscapes as path-dependent socio-ecological systems, where past policies, market regimes and biophysical contexts continue to structure present possibilities for diversification or specialisation.
Within this broader lineage, the Iazafo region offers a distinctive articulation: historical introductions of cash crops (coffee, clove) provided the structural foundations of contemporary agroforestry systems, but their present heterogeneity is primarily filtered through rice self-sufficiency. Where irrigated lowlands secure food autonomy and labour flexibility (Ampahibe), farmers maintain multifunctional, diversified agroforests. Where rice is structurally scarce (Andampy), clove buds and essential oil become the principal means of accessing staple foods, driving simplification toward specialised systems. The resulting agroforestry gradient reflects the combined imprint of colonial legacies, postcolonial diversification practices, land-use history effects (sensu Osewold et al., 2022) and contemporary food-security constraints.
Research frontiers: from village patterns to within-farm heterogeneity
Our analysis clarifies how village-scale rice production capacity shapes broad contrasts in agroforestry composition. Yet landscape patterns reveal only part of the picture. Future research should articulate how these village-level gradients translate into finer-scale heterogeneity at the farm and plot levels.
First, within villages of intermediate rice deficit (such as Antsirakoraka), households with contrasting rice self-sufficiency levels likely coexist and adopt fundamentally different agroforestry strategies. Droy et al. (2017) demonstrate that livelihood strategies hinge on the interplay between land endowments and irrigated lowland availability. Rice-deficit households may concentrate their upland plots on intensive clove production to maximise cash income for staple purchases, while households achieving rice self-sufficiency may maintain less-intensified land reserves—fallows, parklands, or enriched secondary vegetation—that provide timber, fruit, or future conversion opportunities without jeopardising immediate food security. Integrating our village-scale typology with farm-level surveys quantifying household rice balances and upland plot composition is therefore essential to explain why complex agroforests and clove-dominated systems coexist within the same village.
Second, even within farms, individual upland plots often exhibit pronounced compositional heterogeneity. At the farm scale, households typically manage multiple plots with different configurations: some plots may be clove-dominated, others may retain parkland structures or be maintained as enriched fallows. This among-plot variability within farms likely reflects differences in plot acquisition history, soil fertility, topographic position, and asynchronous enrichment trajectories. Mariel et al. (2022a) showed that farmers differentiate management strategies according to topographic position within the farm territory, concentrating fruit and shade trees on fertile lower slopes and clove on upper, less fertile zones. Understanding how households allocate management effort and species composition across their portfolio of plots—rather than treating "the farm" as a homogeneous unit—is essential for interpreting observed landscape patterns.
This multi-scalar perspective recognises that agroforestry diversity cannot be understood from village patterns alone. Village-scale rice availability sets broad constraints on the range of feasible strategies, but these constraints are filtered through household-level resource endowments (land, labour, capital) and materialised in plot-level management decisions shaped by soil conditions, acquisition history, and labour availability. Integrating these nested scales—village, household, and plot—is essential to fully understand the mechanisms generating observed patterns of diversification and specialisation in Madagascar's clove-dominated landscapes.