Healthy child development depends on family cooperation, with coparenting playing a crucial role. Coparenting refers to the ways in which parents relate to each other in the role as parent, and how parents share their responsibilities of child-rearing (Feinberg, 2003). Coparenting behaviors have been found to have a significant influence on child adjustment during the critical early childhood period. These behaviors are linked to children’s internalizing problems, such as emotional distress, anxiety, and depression (Aguilar-Yamuza et al., 2023; Jacobvitz et al., 2004; Kolak and Volling, 2013), as well as externalizing problems, including disruptive or antisocial behaviors (Choi and Becher, 2019; Schoppe et al., 2001) .
While existing research has reported associations between coparenting behaviors and child outcomes (Cunha et al., 2025), few adopt a systematic perspective. This is important because focusing on single behaviors in isolation can obscure the dynamic interplay among coparenting dimensions and their collective relation to child adjustment. According to family systems theory, the family is an organized, complex system where each member’s interactions shape, and are shaped by, the interactions of others (Minuchin, 1985). Therefore, only by analyzing the system as a whole, rather than examining each coparenting behavior in isolation, can a comprehensive picture be obtained.
The idea of examining coparenting as a system is evident in how its multiple dimensions are interrelated. McHale’s (1997) factor analysis identified four coparenting components—integrity, conflict, disparagement, and reprimand. Integrity refers to promoting coparental and family unity, similar to coparenting cooperation and support (Margolin et al., 2001). Conflict refers to overt parental arguments in the presence of a child, while disparagement occurs covertly when one parent is absent. Feinberg (2003) also described the overt behaviors as ‘undermining’, which enhances one parent’s authority while reducing the other’s. Reprimand refers to directing a partner to set limits or discipline the child. Importantly, these coparenting components do not influence children in isolation but interact within the triadic system of parents and child, mutually affecting one another (Teubert and Pinquart, 2010). For example, supportive coparenting has been shown to buffer the negative effects of undermining behavior on preschoolers’ behavioral problems (Kolak and Volling, 2013).
Another key aspect of coparenting complexity is the different ways paternal and maternal behaviors relate to child outcomes. Several studies have shown that maternal coparenting is associated with child compliance and behavioral problems (Kwon and Elicker, 2012; LeRoy et al., 2013), whereas paternal coparenting shows no association. Some researchers also emphasize paternal and maternal consistency, compensation, and deterioration rather than solely focusing on the individual coparenting behaviors of each parent (Kara and Sümer, 2022). The interdependence between paternal and maternal coparenting behaviors indicates that each parent’s actions can complement or counteract the other’s, influencing child adjustment in nuanced ways (Cunha, et al., 2025).
Coparenting research has long faced a dilemma between dimension-separation and total-score strategies: the former dissects each behavioral dimension in isolation (Mendez et al., 2015), whereas the latter collapses coparenting into a single latent variable (He et al., 2024). Both approaches implicitly assume independence among dimensions, potentially obscuring within-system interactions and leaving key questions unanswered—e.g., Which dimension still exerts an independent effect after controlling for the others? How do dimensions reciprocally amplify or offset one another? and Should interventions target fathers or mothers?—thereby limiting the precision of family interventions.
Network analysis offers a new lens to resolve this impasse (Borsboom and Cramer, 2013; Boccaletti et al., 2006). By modeling each coparenting dimension and child outcome as nodes and their associations as edges, the method uses strength centrality to identify the core behaviors that most contribute to system connectivity, and bridge centrality to locate the pivotal hubs that transmit information across communities (Liu et al., 2014). Once high-centrality nodes are pinpointed, interveners can follow the map to prioritize the most systemically influential behaviors, thereby maximizing intervention efficiency.
Accordingly, we argue that future research must treat number of children as a stratifying variable and systematically compare the topological properties of coparenting networks—such as density, centrality distribution, and core-periphery structure—between only-child and multi-child families, so as to clarify whether family structure indirectly affects child development by altering network connectivity. Specifically, the study aimed to (1) map the interactions among different types of coparenting behaviors and their relations with children’s internalizing and externalizing problems, (2) identify which coparenting dimensions are most central or influential within the network, and (3) examine how family structure—specifically, having an only child versus multiple children—affects the organization and connectivity of the coparenting network. This study provides a comprehensive, system-level perspective on coparenting, offering insights that can inform targeted interventions and advance understanding of family dynamics.