Human adaptation to life in circumpolar environments requires a thorough understanding of the seasonal transformations that the landscapes experience, particularly in relation to the life history, spatial distribution, and behaviour of prey species28. In the Lake Baikal region, there is a partial population structure separation among seals on the basis of sex and age as the lake begins to freeze in early winter: adult males in the deep northern part, females in the deeper waters of central Baikal, where they give birth, and juveniles mainly on the southern shores. The melting of ice in spring (mid-May) leads to significant seal regrouping, with haulouts achieving maximum size levels during the summer on rocky portions or islands in Central Baikal, where the last seal resting place, Ushkany Islands are located28–30. At peak densities, it is relevant to note that the eastern shores of Lake Baikal tend to support twice the numbers of seals than its western shores30. These large summer concentrations decrease again as groups splinter at the onset of autumn. Based on this present-day Baikal seal biogeography, the area around the Ushkany Islands hosts predominantly adult females and neonates during winter-early spring, and a wider population structure spectrum of adults and juveniles throughout the summer months. The assessment of taphonomically-informed seal mortality profiles, coupled with dentine annuli data, can therefore enable us to discern the seasonality of site occupation.
The archaeological sites of the Ushkany Islands provide direct evidence of seal exploitation. Given that these islands host Baikal’s largest summer congregation of seals28,29, these months (June to September) would have provided ample opportunities for close-range seal hunting at the haulouts, a method that requires low levels of technological specialization4. Indeed, ethnographic evidence of seal exploitation in the sacred Ushkany Islands occurs during these summer months16, a process enhanced through ritualistic mimetic transformations and spiritual interconnection with the seals30. While recent hunting practices make use of ‘secluded passages’ creating paths of seasonally rearranged boulders16, it is likely that in prehistory access to the islands at this time of the year would have been only possible following the advent of watercraft technology documented for the regional Glaskovo culture. In contrast, access to the Ushkany Islands during the winter-early spring months would have required the use of sledges to move over the ice, while the acquisition of seals would have demanded hunters to target breathing holes and cub-rearing dens (rodilka), potentially through the use of dogs (without them it is extremely demanding process – in 1998 P.V. walked over 200 km to find recent newborn seals). It cannot be excluded that the seals were killed by breaking the fragile head with a woodstick, as recorded in recent history on the island16, and around the world4 but such damage is more likely caused by preservation.
Evidence consistent with summer exploitation comes from several lines of evidence in the seal assemblage such as (1) the targeting of less mobile seals onshore on the basis of recorded osteo-pathologies. (2) The presence of at least one adult male in the assemblage. (3) The representation of both adult and juvenile individuals, albeit with a predominance of the former in absolute numbers, and number of specimens with cut-marks and burning traces. (4) The dentine annuli assessment of two adult canines.
At the same time, the emphasis on females and the presence of some neonate individuals in the assemblage suggest either that there are also some instances of winter-early spring exploitation and/or that summer haul-out hunting was selective, unlike examples in similar contexts in other circumpolar environments, including Tierra del Fuego, where faunal assemblages reflected entire population structures31–33. Another factor to consider is that a small number of seal remains might have entered the site as a result of natural accumulation processes at different points of the year; if this were the case, such outliers could blur the accuracy of seasonality estimates for human activity.
Alongside fur provisioning, meat acquisition was a fundamental dimension of seal hunting, as documented by the abundance and anatomical distribution of cut-marks and the high burnt bone frequencies. A high degree of prey selectivity in this context may have thus been mediated by taste. Ethnographic accounts highlight local preferences for the meat of female Baikal seals over that of males10—which could help explain the prevalence of females over males at Tonkij Ushkany—as well as the “delicacy” status for kumutkan (2 month old pups) meat, while bilak (newborns) yield little utility beyond the sour milk content of their stomach34. This latter set of preferences is clearly observed in the record of Cis-Baikal, where many sites show evidence of spring hunting of juvenile seals7. This pattern of exploitation was enabled by the combined use of watercraft and harpoons, as well as dog-human cooperation. While commercial-scale hunting of adult females and pups can prove catastrophic for local seal population stability, small-scale and sporadic hunting is unlikely to have had significant effects on seal population survival.
Only two Cis-Baikal sites exhibit a predominance of adult seal hunting, and in both cases the pattern differs from the Tonkij Ushkany Island record. The first instance is Baikalskoe III, a game-seal hunting site located on the northern part of Lake Baikal: here, prolonged winter freezing led to higher frequencies of adult males7,28, which, as mentioned above, tend to cluster in the northern deep waters. The second site is Ulan Khada, a fishing site on the south-western end of Priol’khon’e region, although small seal sample sizes may put into question the behavioral significance of the higher adult frequencies documented here7. Therefore, the assemblage from Tonkij Ushkany Island stands alone in the Baikal basin as the only site with preferential and extensive exploitation of female adult seals, even if juveniles and to a lesser extent adult males and neonates were also targeted in smaller proportions.
Evidence of seal bone burning can be very informative. Burnt seal bones at Baikal sites are often the result of a combination of factors: a) dietary practices, such as the cooking of meat; b) waste management practices (burning of discarded remains - potentially as fuel); c) as well as potentially alongside cultural beliefs and practices like those recorded ethnographically, such as fortune enhancement10 or the humanizing of animal smell30, or simpler candle production. A detailed assessment of burnt remains may also offer glimpses into the settlement patterns of hunter-gatherer communities in the Baikal region. For example, the existence of burnt weathered fractures suggests the use of camp fire over a period longer than 3 months35 suggesting multi-season camping. Nonetheless, assemblage sizes at Tonkij Ushkany Island are still relatively small in comparison with the largest Cis-Baikal sites (e.g. Sagan-Zaba II, which has an assemblage size of over 74,000 see ref. 7). Such disparity suggests that the occupation of Tonkij Ushkany must have been restricted to a single year or very sporadic inter-annually; therefore, the hunter-gatherer community that inhabited the site must have also employed other camps elsewhere in the archipelago or in the wider Baikal basin. Such a regional “multi-camp” seasonal settlement model for at least parts of the population during the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age has been put forward by Losey and Nomokonova7, comprising fishing sites in the south-west during periods of open-water availability in the lake, spring-hunting of juvenile seals in middle Cis-Baikal, as well as winter hunting of adult seals and summer hunting of terrestrial game in some northern areas. In contrast, while sample sizes are small, Early Neolithic Baikal communities appear to have engaged in more localized mobility patterns, with the exception of the southern part of the Basin, where rivers, such as the Angara, may have facilitated wider foraging ranges7.
In addition to sealing, people on the Ushkany Islands engaged with other forms of subsistence, as documented by the presence of other mammalian and avian taxa. Although the lack of sieving that excludes microfauna at the site might preclude a thorough assessment of subsistence strategies, its open water location and analogous evidence from other Middle Holocene Baikal on-shore sites would suggest a mixed hunting-fishing and gathering lifestyle7,36,37. These inferences are supported by taphonomic evidence on wild taxa, such as cut-marks on bear remains—ethnographically linked to short-term winter occupations or ritual use—on a cervid scapula, either due to spot hunting (cf. Olkhon Island, see ref. 7) or carcass transport from the mainland10; as well as on a cormorant remain, which may be suggestive of open-water hunting of migratory birds4. Additionally, even though the archipelago would not have been able to sustain a pastoral population year-round, there is scarce but definitive evidence of domestic ungulates, such as a cutmarked equid mandible and a bovid molar. These remains may be associated either with the initial presence of pastoral communities in Trans-Baikal during the period 3000 − 1500 BCE or with a subsequent shift by around 1200 BCE in the intensity of human-horse relationships, which led to increased ritualism, meat consumption, and transportation demands9. Lastly, human-dog interactions represent a fruitful avenue of inquiry in Siberian prehistory. In the inner Trans-Baikal region, dog remains appear non-existent for the period between the Early Neolithic until the Iron Agea38. Ethnographically, dogs proved essential partners to Baikal populations, both in terms of mobility through the use of sledges as well as in hunting, as they excelled in the identification of seal breathing holes in the ice, the targeting of juvenile seals and bear dens during the spring, and potentially chasing deer34. In exchange for their invaluable service, dogs were fed hunting scraps, such as meat and bones from limbs, flippers, and the back of seals, as documented among other seal hunting populations. Evidence of tooth marks on seal and bear specimens (see Fig. 5) from the Ushkany Island site may be a taphonomic signature of this mutualistic relationship, although the action of wild carnivores, particularly wolves, cannot yet be ruled out. The ethnographic record shows that in conditions of necessity, humans would have also consumed dogs. At the site, there is extensive burning and some cut-marks documented on canid remains. Further research into species-level identification of canid remains represents a priority across Baikal sites and would help us further understand human-animal interactions in prehistoric Baikal societies.
The findings from Tonkij Ushkany Island provide critical insights into the human-animal-environment dynamics of Neolithic Trans-Baikal. The evidence of close-range hunting of mature seals in haul-outs, dating back 5,100 years, highlights the sophisticated subsistence strategies and ecological and morphological knowledge of these early communities. Unlike the spring-focused hunting patterns in Cis-Baikal, the winter and summer-based seal hunting in Trans-Baikal shows a distinct and adaptive approach to resource use, emphasizing how Neolithic hunters managed their environment for both cultural and subsistence needs. The finest parts of meats were utilised, like in frontier polar Inuit communities.
Compared to other circumpolar seal hunting sites, where entire populations were often targeted (cf. ref. 4), Tonkij Ushkany Island is notable for its preferential hunting of adult seals, particularly females. This pattern demonstrates a refined understanding of seal ecology, adaptation to the exploitation of Baikal seals reveals an advanced cultural understanding of animal behavior and the seasonality of the water-ice cycle. The use of tools, dogs, and communal hunting practices underscores the multi-dimensional facets of these strategies, which allowed these communities to thrive in demanding environmental conditions. Prehistoric seal hunting even involved trade networks reaching as far as the Chukotka Peninsula16—19th -century technological advances and population pressures led to severe overexploitation until National Park legal restrictions were enforced. According to elderly (A. Budeev, personal communication 1999), even during the worst year with long-lasting ice cover (1944), they were able to capture 5 seals per summer.
Seals still hold deep cultural and spiritual importance for indigenous groups like the Buriats, Evenks, and local Slavs influencing their identity, rituals, and shamanistic traditions30. Ushkany Islands, a sacred site for offerings and healing, may have played a similar role at certain points in time during the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, indicating long-standing connections between local communities, seals, and Lake Baikal10. The study enriches our understanding of human adaptive strategies in Neolithic Siberia and provides insights for contemporary conservation efforts, adding the value of traditional ecological knowledge in human-animal-environment relationships. These places in the centre of the world deepest lake, were spots for specialised seal hunters for at least 5,000 years, and were protected by Russian authorities even during the WWII famine – an unparallel treasure of global biodiversity.